|
KWENU! Our culture, our future |
|
19 + 2 HORSEMEN OF THE APOCALYPSE Max Gbanite April 18, 2002 Comments have been made and essays have been written about the 'Visit to Ota,' made by 19 PDP and 2 APP incumbent governors of the federation to ambush Chief Olusegun Obasanjo and to make him stand for reelection as his presidential term nears its end. Many people have condemned these Governors, appointed Ministers, and Ministers of State for exercising what can be termed their inalienable right under democracy to choose their leader. When one makes an intellectual mistake to read the Nigerian newspapers, he would probably suffer dementia based on the types of unkind words used to describe the actions of these 'Horsemen of the Apocalypse.' The media, it seems, should take the first blame. They were the first to commit 'political plagiarism' when in July 2000, a year in office they started dissecting Chief Obasanjo's program, after which a mark of ZERO performance was gracefully awarded to him. They were not satisfied with that they decided to plagiarize their actions under the late General Abacha, by asking Nigerians to look far ahead into year 2003 and to decide if the President Obasanjo deserves to be reelected in the interest of 'continuity of democracy.' As if that was not enough, they started
profiling potential candidates for Obasanjo's replacement in their newspapers.
Names like Gen. Ibrahim Babangida (rtd.), The stage for Chief Obasanjo's re-election movement began in earnest when the Minister of Works, Chief Tony Anenih alluded that there was no vacancy in Aso Rock come 2003. This comment was made immediately after the swearing in of Chief Barnabas Gemade as the new chairman of PDP in November 1999. Political opportunists saw an opening to make money by establishing 'Obasanjo/Atiku Solidarity' (OAS) in every state. Other copycats started Vote Obasanjo/Atiku (VOA) in 2003, which was visibly displayed on television during the World Cup qualifier matches played in Port Harcourt Stadium in 2001. Others set up Obasanjo/Atiku Vanguard (OAV); all teleguiding the unsuspecting masses to 2003. Well, one school of thought may argue that such actions militate against the core foundation of the country's nascent democracy, while another sees nothing wrong with it. I opt for the latter. I, however, have a problem with Chief Anenih's statement of 'no vacancy in Aso Rock.' I think that in his elderly exuberance to demonstrate his loyalty to Obasanjo, he undermined the same democratic principles that brought Obasanjo to preside the nation. While it might be his right to profess his true belief in returning his benefactor back to office, it would have been more politically correct had he said that anyone is welcome to contest the election but that his preference for that position would still be Chief Obasanjo. Then of course he would be challenged by the indefatigable Nigerian press to tell the country why he made such a choice. His reasoning would probably tally with that of most of the supporters of Obasanjo: 'We need continuity in leadership for the president to complete what he started.' What a joke! It's a joke because I spent tangible time in Nigeria from the time I went to campaign for Obasanjo, when I spent four months, and on many other visits. In short, I spent almost the whole of 2001 in Nigeria monitoring the advent of the newfound democracy. What did I see? Well, I saw the dividends of democracy PDP-style. But before I glorify such dividends, lets digress a little to Abacha's era. During the time of General Sani Abacha, I was amongst the many that called for his transmutation. At least there were cogent reasons for taking such a position then without regrets whatsoever. In 1995, Dim Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, Chief Paul Unongo, Chief Anenih, and Chief Tom Ikimi amongst others visited the United States to plead with the United States Congress and anyone who would listen to lend their support to General Abacha. They posited the fact that he saved the nation from disintegrating into a state of anarchy under the leadership of Chief Shonekan. In fact, Chief Anenih argued that he was the chairman of the defunct Social Democratic Party (SDP) on whose platform the late Chief MKO Abiola almost got a national mandate. I emphasize on 'almost' because, as lawyers will say, the election was inconclusive. After listening to these notable gentlemen from Nigeria, I decided to look further into the accomplishments of Abacha, and I found out the following: A) He truly saved the nation from
disintegrating. As you can see, many others and I had good reasons to call for his transmutation. Yes. He and his family are accused of massive embezzlement of the nations treasury. But this is after his death. As the current finance Minister Mallam Adamu Ciroma said, "Abacha is being probed because he is the only leader that left traces." And Professor Sam Aluko, a renowned economist, attested that the man did not loot the treasury; he only pocketed his security-vote funds. As for the '19 + 2 Horsemen of Apocalypse' and the Ministers and Ministers of State who went to Ota to exercise constitutional rights of 'freedom of choice' and to state unequivocal loyalty to Obasanjo, I doff my hats for you. No matter how the opposition sees your action, and what the media say, you demonstrated your loyalty and political courage with an act of cowardice. Cowardice in the sense that you should have ferried all your supporters to Ota and by so doing you would have emulated or even outscored Abacha's two million-man march. The Minister of Information was right when he said that one could not compare the Ota circus with that of Abacha's era. During Abacha's era, ninety percent of the traditional rulers went to ask him to continue. Two million youths went to beg him to continue. All the GOC's and Governors asked him to stay. The five political parties (christened "The five fingers of a leprous hand" by the late Chief Bola Ige, whose murderers are known but remain unknown to the authorities) went to him. Ninety percent of mallams and pastors (both past seers, present seers, and general overseers) went to ask him to continue. Above all, the United States President Bill Clinton made a U-turn in 1997 by endorsing him. Unfortunately for Abacha, the Almighty God called him home So you see the difference! The people that went to Ota are mostly those who stand to benefit from Obasanjo's reelection at the expense of the Nigerian voters. In any case, they equally have good reasons why they feel that Obasanjo is the best and must be the sole-candidate in 2003. While in Nigeria, a meeting scheduled between the Hon. Minister of Information and myself was cancelled due to a tour he was conducting. But luckily enough, I caught up with him before he departed for the tour. I asked him what the tour was about, and he replied: "To show the Nigerian masses the dividends of democracy." I couldn't help but laugh at such a statement. His aide later asked me why the laughter? I simply stated that if there were indeed accrued dividends of democracy under this government, the people ought to have seen and felt them by now. You couldn't show a person the goodness of governance and productive economy if indeed it is there. Otherwise why waste the money and, even worse, abuse the masses with political infomercials. As I was saying, those that went to Ota must have seen what the masses are yet to see -- the good things that Chief Obasanjo has done for the country -- and, therefore, reserve the right under the constitution to call for his extension in office. One attorney friend of mine postulated and boldly asserted that "Chief Obasanjo is the best man for the job in the interest of continuity of democracy." This is debatable, given the fact that as a nation we are yet to enjoy a successful democratic transition since independence. We failed in 1964. The resultant effect was the coup of January 1966. We repeated the same mistake in 1983, which resulted in another coup. In 1993, the annulment came, and Abacha's era dawned. My friend was making sense. But I was waiting for him to enumerate the achievements of the government he was defending. He couldn't tell me because he wasn't 'on the ground,' as they say in Nigeria. Well, I was there, and I saw the following
achievements: Going by the above accomplishments and many more unaccomplished accomplishments there is a dire need for Chief Obasanjo to be re-elected to complete these uncompleted accomplishments. The genesis of political loyalty and the genre of sycophancy did not start with this regime. It can be traced as far back as 1963 when Dr. K. O. Mbadiwe led a group of parliamentarians to seek support for the reelection of his friend Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa as the Prime Minister. In 1974, some notables went to General Yakubu Gowon and asked him to extend his stay beyond 1976. In 1979 some military apologists went to General Obasanjo to convince him to stay put. (He rightly refused.) During General Babangida's era, Chief Tony Anenih amongst many others went to him and asked him to continue in office, and even had cause later to justify the 1993 annulment. When General Abacha was Aso Rock, the same Chief Anenih led his Edo contingents, amongst them notable traditional rulers and many of the actors that went to Ota, to ask him to transmute himself. What we observers ought to do is not to condemn these people's action. Instead we must examine the actors and their motives. Are their motives truly in the interest of their constituents, and the country at large? Going by actions of these actors, it's then evident that they are the same people that convinced a good man, and a born-again Christian like Chief Obasanjo to perpetrate 'Political 419' against the electorate by inserting all sorts of clauses that militate democracy in the Electoral Bill of 2001. Luckily, they reckoned with the Supreme Court -- as they are reckoning with the Supreme God. President Obasanjo after assessing his performance thus far may be correct when he averred that his decision to continue in office would be monumental and that there would be serious implications for Nigeria, West Africa, and Africa if he failed to contest. Now that does appear to be a statement of someone who has already made up his mind, not one who is waiting for divine blessings -- as he claimed to be waiting for God. If one were to accept the above statement as true, then Archbishop Olubunmi Okogie must have erred when he asked, " Who told Obasanjo Nigeria will disintegrate if he does not contest 2003 elections. They cannot fool us now. Not anymore". This is equally a monumental question that calls for a monumental answer. We all know that the international community would not have bated an eye or divested their interest in the oil and gas sector had General Abacha not listened to Major Hamza Mustapha when the latter convinced him to spare Obasanjo's life. [So said Mustapha at the Oputa Panel.] As a matter of fact and record, the international community could care less who presides over Nigeria provided their tacit interest is protected. When that interest is under threat, they would react. If the current legislators are sincere to the nation, they could amend the constitution to extend Obasanjo's stay in office by one more year making it a five-year term. This will enable him to conduct a free and fair election, thus sparing the nation from electoral anguish of ballot stuffing. They should also experiment on the rotational presidency allowing each of the six geo-political zones to produce a president. After the rotation, which ends after thirty-five years -- every zone having tasted the presidency -- the cry of marginalization or denial of presidency would have passed its test, we would return to the practice of 'may the best candidate from any part of the country win'. After all, what is thirty-five years in the history of a nation? The next generation will herald these legislators as the heroes of true democracy. And for the '19 + 2 Horsemen of Apocalypse' and all their supporters who went to Ota, I praise you for your loyalty to President Obasanjo. However, in exhibiting your loyalty to him, you must also not forget your oath of office which mandates that your loyalty is to the nation first, your constituencies second, and the President after that. You must therefore hurriedly amend and pass the Electoral Bill 2002 and hasten the registration of new parties, allow for a level playing field and allow other citizens who may wish to have the likes of General Ibrahim Babangida, General Muhammadu Buhari, Chief Clem Akpamgbo, Dr. Alex Ekwueme, or any other Nigerian citizen, no matter their zonal, religious, political or ethnic extraction as their presidential candidate to thrive without molestation, intimidation, or outright brutal assassination. Let democracy thrive, and let Chief Obasanjo's reelection be based on his records, not on million-man marches herded by 'Horsemen of the Apocalypse.' |
|
www.kwenu.com: Simply surprise yourself yonder! |